Identity Formation and the Development of National Interest

Identity Formation and the Development of National Interest Constructivism Ideas, Identity and Foreign Policy In the analysis of international politics, the process of identity formation and how national interests are conceived should represent central issues, as they are inextricably linked to a states foreign policy. The importance of identities results from the fact that they perform two vital functions: expressing to the self and others who the self is, as well as expressing to the self who others are. Due to the first function, having a certain identity determines an associated set of preferences regarding the choices of action in various circumstances and when different actors are involved. That is why a states identity generates its interests and subsequent behaviour towards fellow members and situations related to the international system. The second function implies that a state perceives others according to the identities it attributes to them, while simultaneously reproducing its own identity through social interaction and practice (Tajfel, 1981:255). These notions have been conce ptualised and emphasised in IR theory by constructivist scholars, who argue that global politics originates not only in the international system but also in an international society. Constructivists stress the constitutive effects of ideas and norms that set the parameters within which identities and interests are formulated (Brown and Ainley, 2003:49). When studying inter-state relations, it has become essential to analyse how ideas are created, how they evolve and influence states perceptions and response to their situation. In order to achieve such an objective, constructivism plays a key role by promoting the tenet that the manner in which the material world shapes and is shaped by human action and interaction depends on dynamic normative and epistemic interpretations of the material world (Adler, 1997:322). From this perspective, constructivist frameworks show that even the most enduring institutions are based on collective understandings. Their important contribution to the st udy of IR lies mainly in emphasising the ontological reality of intersubjective knowledge, along with its epistemological and methodological implications. That is why constructivism argues international relations consist primarily of social facts, which have acquired such a status due to human agreement. They represent reified structures that were conceived ex nihilo by human consciousness, subsequently being diffused and consolidated until they were taken for granted (Adler, 1997:322-323). Constructivist scholars also believe that actors attach meanings to and cognitively frame the material world as well as their experiences. So collective understandings or the distribution of knowledge offer the reasons why certain elements are as they are, as well as the indications as to how actors should deploy their material capabilities (Wendt, 1992:397). One might deduce from the previous statement that the context of collective meanings structures the preferences and behaviour of political actors, which would suggest that constructivism features deterministic tendencies. On the contrary, its theoretical premises have a much more nuanced nature and the constructivist position within the agency-structure debate asserts that the two elements are mutually constitutive. Constructivism argues that meaningful conduct is possible only within an intersubjective social context, since agents develop relations with and understandings of others via ideas, norms and practices. In their absence, actions like the exercise of power would be devoid of meaning because ideas and norms have constitutive effects on identity, specifying the features that will enable others to recognise that identity and respond to it accordingly (Jepperson, Wendt and Katzenstein, 1996:54). In this process, agents exert their influence by consciously perpetuating and repro ducing the social context through their prolonged actions and practices. A significant point to remember is that structure becomes meaningless without some intersubjective set of ideas and norms, so neither anarchy nor the distribution of capabilities alone can socialise states to a particular conduct (Dessler, 1989:459-460). Until now the discussion of constructivism has mentioned several times the notions of constitutive effects or being mutually constitutive, but without describing more elaborately what they entail. The relation of constitution must be differentiated from that of causality, as constitutive theories enquire about the conditions which instantiate a phenomenon, rendering it possible. In this respect, Robert Cummins employs the concept of property theories because they have a different objective from causal explanations: to account for the properties of things by reference to the structures in virtue of which they exist (Cummins, 1983). Another key aspect of constitutive theorising refers to the fact that the counterfactual claim of necessity is conceptual or logical, not causal or natural (Wendt, 1998:106). For instance, the conditions constituting a phenomenon define what the latter is, which conveys a relationship of identity not causal determination. These two components are inextricab ly linked, so that when the conditions come into being, the phenomenon comes into being with them. By contrast, causal explanations rest on two different assumptions: the factors causing an event exist independently from their outcome and are also temporally prior to it. If one applies these theoretical assumptions to the context of ideas, several implications become immediately apparent. The significant role that ideas play in international relations is fully acknowledged only when we recognise their constitutive effects (Wendt, 1999:87). The relationship of constitution derives from the fact that ideas create political outcomes by shaping their properties, meanings, perceptions or interpretations. These are in turn dependent on their ideational source, they exist only in virtue of those ideas terrorism cannot be conceived apart from a national security discourse that defines it. The national security discourse is in turn inextricably linked to constructing a notion of terrorism, since without it the concept would be meaningless. When analysing foreign policy, dominant schools of thought in IR theory usually ignore ideas and identity or regard them as intervening variables at best, helping to account for outcomes which surpass the explanatory abilities of traditional materialist factors like power and interests. The approach in question is problematic as it does not encompass fully the ideational impact ideas in fact create materialist causes. The bottom line of what becomes most contested in the materialist-idealist debate is the relative contribution of brute material forces to power and interest explanations as opposed to ideas (Wendt, 1999:94). At this point it might be useful to consider briefly the traditional view of materialism which originates in Marxism. The classical Marxist dichotomy portrays the material base as the mode of production, while culture, ideology and other ideational factors belong to a non-material superstructure. Wendt believes the same principles can be extended and applied to re alism; after all, modes of destruction are as basic as modes of production (Wendt, 1999:94). Both instances contain a crucial issue, namely that ideational factors become completely separated from economic and military considerations. Here D.V. Porpora noted a conceptual contradiction, considering the fact that Marxism defines the modes of production not only via forces, but also via relations of production. Relations represent ideational phenomena embodied by institutions that ultimately refer to shared norms (Porpora, 1993:214). The obvious implication points to the fact that the material base of Marxism is actually infused with ideas and norms, which also reveals their constitutive role concerning materialism generally To further reinforce such an argument, it is necessary to challenge the conventional materialist view of interests by acknowledging their nature interests are actually cognitions or ideas. This perspective has been promoted by two distinct fields of knowledge and their associated scholars: cultural anthropology and philosophy. Drawing on cognitive psychology, the anthropologist R.G. DAndrade (1992:28) sees interests, desires or motivations as schemas (frames, representations, ideas), which reflect knowledge structures that make possible the identification of objects and events. A significant aspect to remember is that schemas are not given by human nature. DAndrade (1992:31) admits that some interests can be rooted in biological drives which alludes to their material nature, but biology fails to explain most of the goals human beings seem capable of pursuing and these are learned through socialisation. In this sense, the anthropologist offers the example of an interest for achievem ent: it implies a social standard about what counts as a legitimate aspiration and the individuals desiring to achieve have internalised that standard as a cognitive schema (DAndrade, 1992:35). A very similar opinion has been advanced by R.B.K. Howe who draws on philosophy to articulate a cognitive theory of interest or desire. He too acknowledges that biological mechanisms influence interests, yet even very primitive desires are mostly directionless and depend on beliefs or ideas about what is desirable to render them meaningful (Howe, 1994). That is why ideas play a key role in defining and directing material needs; one perceives a goal as valuable, which in turn determines ones interest in accomplishing it. These perceptions are learned sometimes by interacting with nature which resonates with materialist factors, but mostly they are learned through socialisation to culture an inherently idealist phenomenon (Howe, 1994). Consequently, having reached similar conclusions starting from different premises, scholars in cultural anthropology and philosophy identify the cognitive basis of interests, or that ideas and not material drives create interests to a great extent. In foreign policy analysis, the concept of national interest has been accorded considerably more explanatory ability compared to other variables, particularly due to the influence of the classical realist and neorealist frameworks. However, is its nature inherently materialist and objective as the realist school of thought would have one believe? Or does it rather represent the product and construct of different interpretation processes, in which case ideas and identity become essential? The neorealist approach to international relations rests on the assumptions that the distribution of material capability in the states system can be objectively assessed and that threats to national interests can be accurately recognised. Such a perspective largely ignores that threats are not self-evident and the national interest, when confronted with a problematic situation, becomes a matter of interpretation (Weldes, 1996:279), hence the significant influence of ideas and identity. Moreover, cons tructivism convincingly challenges the objective and materialist view of realism concerning national interests, reintroducing the crucial role of ideas and identity. It does so by promoting the tenet that people act towards objects, including other actors, on the basis of the meanings that the objects have for them (Wendt, 1992:396-397). Wendts work has had a fundamental contribution in reconceptualising the national interest as the product of intersubjective processes of meaning creation. Nevertheless, consistent with the neorealist tradition, he regards states through the black box metaphor, their internal processes being irrelevant to the construction of state identities and interests. Wendt (1992:401) argues that the meanings which states attach to phenomena and subsequently their interests and identities are shaped via inter-state interaction. This does reflect an important facet of identity formation, but also neglects the historical and political contexts in which national in terests are deeply embedded, because the interpretations defining state interests cannot be restricted to the meanings and ideas generated by inter-state interaction. After all, any state is inextricably linked to the domestic actors that take decisions in its name. These agents do internalise the norms characterising the international environment, yet they also approach politics with an already formed appreciation of the world, the international system and the position of their state within it (Weldes, 1996:280). The national actors ideas and interpretation of all these issues stem partly from domestic political and cultural contexts. As Antonio Gramsci (1971:112) noted, civil society is the sphere in which the struggle to define the categories of common sense takes place. After revealing interests as expressions of ideas, one might advance the counterargument that such a conceptualisation applies only to individuals, becoming irrelevant in the case of states and the international system. The latter brings forward another essential point of this paper, which argues that states articulate a constructed collective identity that influences what they perceive their interests to be. It is best shown when taking into account the example of foreign policy, a domain in which various actors make decisions according to their ideas and perceptions of the national interest. Following the collapse of the communist regime, Romania and its political leaders were faced with the opportunity to choose the appropriate future course for the emerging democracy. Their decision was to actively pursue a transformation for the new state, seeking to create a collective identity with the West. But before proceeding with the empirical discussion, it has become imperative to defin e and conceptualise one of its central notions identity. This context particularly deals with state identity because it represents the most relevant instance for analysing foreign policy. In the philosophical sense, identity can be defined as whatever makes an entity what it is, although such a definition is too broad to render the concept meaningful. That is why, for analytical purposes and conceptual utility, identity will be understood using a two-faceted definition. On the one hand, it can be regarded as a property of intentional actors that generates motivational and behavioural dispositions (Wendt, 1999:224). On the other hand, identity cannot be conceived without recognising that which is like, other and simultaneously like and other, or without an understanding of the self which comes from this recognition (Norton cited by Campbell, 1992: 78-79). Both facets of the definition suggest that identity contains at base a subjective or unit-level quality rooted in an actors self- understandings. Their meaning will often depend on whether others represent that actor in the same way, a feature which configures the inter-subjective quality of identity (Wendt, 1999:225). Even a simple example can illustrate the point in a more enlightening manner: Helen might think she is a lecturer but if that belief is not shared by her colleagues and students, then her identity will not operate in their interaction. In other words, both internal and external structures constitute an identity and it takes form under two types of ideas: those held by the Self and those held by the Other. The character of this internal-external relationship varies, which leads to the existence of several kinds of identity, rather than one unitary phenomenon susceptible to a general definition. Building on the work of James Fearon (1999), a typology that features several kinds of identity will be presented here, all inextricably linked and feeding into each other: personal and social, type, role, corporate and collective. First, personal identity is constituted by the self-organising, homeostatic structures that make actors distinct entities (Greenwood, 1994). These structures have a material base represented by the human body, as well as a social component. The latter points to a set of attributes, beliefs, desires, or principles of action that a person thinks distinguish her in socially relevant ways and that (a) the person takes a special pride in; (b) the person takes no special pride in, but which so orient her behavior that she would be at a loss about how to act and what to do without them; or (c) the person feels she could not change even if she wanted to (Fearon, 1999:25). What differentiates the personal identity of intentional actors from that of other entities is a consciousness and memory of Self as a separate locus of thought and activity (Wendt, 1999:225). It cannot be denied that people constitute distinct entities in virtue of biology, but without consciousness and memory a sense of I they are not agents. This aspect resonates even more in the case of a state, since its people must have a common narrative of themselves as a corporate actor. Therefore, the state itself might be considered a group Self capable of group-level recognition (Wilson and Sober, 1994:602). In the former, an identity is just a social category, a group of people designated by a label (or labels) that is commonly used either by the people designated, others, or both. This is the sense employed when we refer to American, French, Muslim, father, homosexual, (p.10) National identities, like American or Russian, are examples of type identities. There are almost no contexts in which it would make sense to speak of the the role of an American, except in a theatre play where role means part. Other social categories that are almost wholly type identities include party a_liation (e.g., Democrat or Republican), sexual identity (heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, etc.), and ethnic identity. Some identities or social categories involve both role and type. For example, mother is a role, but nonetheless we expect certain beliefs, attitudes, values, preferences, moral virtues, and so on, to be characteristic of people performing the role of mother (understandings that may change through time.) On the other hand, some role identities, which mainly but not exclusively comprise occupational categories, have few if any type features associated with them (for example, toll booth collector). Lastly, collective identity brings the Self-Other relationship to another stage and its logical conclusion identification. The latter represents a cognitive process in which the distinction between the two becomes blurred and sometimes even transcended, namely Self is categorised as Other. Identification tends to be issue specific and always involves extending the boundaries of the Self to include the Other. In this respect, collective identity uses both role and type ones and at the same time goes beyond their limits. It builds on role identities since both depend on the mechanism of incorporating the Other into the Self, which generates a socially constituted Me. The essential difference refers to their contrasting objectives: role identities use the mechanism to enable the Self and Other to play distinct roles, whereas a collective identity aims to merge the two entities into a single one. In the case of type identities, the situation is slightly more complicated. Collective iden tity builds on them as both require shared characteristics, but not all type identities are collective because not all involve the identification process Especially over the past decade, the discipline of IR has experienced what Yosef Lapid and Friedrich Kratochwil (1996) called the return of culture and identity in IR theory. The 1950s and 1960s had brought for IR scholars an intense preoccupation with the role of national identities, particularly in the context of early EU integration studies by Karl Deutsch and Ernst Haas. Unfortunately, later on the concept became once again marginalised in favour of more objective and scientific approaches like neorealism and rational choice. The recent return of identity does not necessarily imply that the current use of the term may be considered equivalent to that of the 1950s-1960s. Rather, since the late 1980s, a new strand of theory regarding identity has emerged and slowly developed, which rejects essentialist notions while emphasising the constructed nature of social and political identities (see for example McSweeney, 1999; Albert et al., 2001). One of the works that is most often cited when discussing the relationship between state identity and foreign policy is that of David Campbell. In his 1992 book Writing security, he challenges the traditional narrative of asking how foreign policy serves the national interest and instead examines how the practice of foreign policy helps write and rewrite state identity. According to Campbell Danger is not an objective condition. It is not a thing which exists independently of those to whom it may become a threat (Campbell 1992: 1). As danger is an effect of interpretation (Ibid: 2), nothing is more or less dangerous than something else, except when interpreted as such. In terms of the non-essentialistic character of danger, the objectification and externalization of danger need to be understood as an effect of political practices rather than the condition of their possibility. As danger is never objective, Campbells argument continues, neither is the identity which it is said to threaten. Rather, the contours of this identity are subject to constant (re)writing, and foreign policy is an integral part of the discourses of danger which serve to discipline the state. Campbells theory a declared challenge to conventional approaches which assume a settled nature of identity is thus that state identity can be understood as the outcome of practices assoc iated with a discourse of danger. We speak about the foreign policy of the state x or state y, thereby indicating that the state is prior to the policy, but Campbells creative insights come to challenge such a position. He explains that national states are paradoxical entities which do not possess prediscursive stable identities (Ibid: 11). As states are always in the process of becoming, for a state to end its practices of representation would be to expose its lack of prediscursive foundations'(Ibid: 11). Ironically, the inability of the state project of security to succeed is the guarantor of the states continued success as an impelling identity. The constant articulation of danger through foreign policy is thus not a threat to a states identity or existence: it is its condition of possibility'( Ibid: 12). Building on such theoretical understanding, this paper offers an account of the processes through which Romanian state identity and its insecurities are produced, reproduced, and potentially transformed.

Fast and Feast

Wednesday, I was appreciative and prayed like I said I would. When I found that I was appreciative I Just said a small thank you to God and I was proud of all the feasting that I had done. However, I found that even though I was appreciative I was still complaining. One of the things we, as Christians, are asked to do during Lent is make a sacrifice that will help us focus on resisting worldly distractions. Although complaining is not what you would normally think of as a worldly distraction such as TV or the computer, it still distracts me from God. During the first two days I realized that I had to balance my appreciation and complaining.I could not focus wholly on one or else I would forget about the other. On both Thursday and Friday of that week I tried my best to concentrate on both my feasting and fasting and learned by the end how to keep from complaining but also appreciate everything I am given and all the opportunities I have. One of these spoken opportunities was the chan ce to go on the Mid-night Run. It was very fitting that this was the last day of my five-day fasting/ feasting project because I feel like I was most appreciative during this day. All the people on the Mid-night Run went into NY City and handed out clothes and food to the homeless.At first I tried to be impartial to the whole matter because I did not want to cry in the middle of a city street. However, as the people started coming more and more I found myself feeling so sorry for them. I said a quick prayer in my head for them and that wherever they would sleep would be warm since it was so cold outside. What really affected me was when a small woman came over and asked If we had any underwear. This In particular blew my mind; I then realized how bad they must have It If a woman has to beg for underwear. Even though the five-day fasting/ feasting project is over I still try not to complain.When I do, I think of how fortunate I am in comparison to all those people out there who wish for half the life I have. Dying to ourselves, letting go of our own wants and needs, leaves us open to invite God in, to pay attention to something other than ourselves. This experience has made me more aware of all the joy that I deprived myself of. When I stopped myself from complaining, I realized how much better I felt. I felt as if I had made the whole situation better for myself and I did. When I stopped complaining, I subsequently stopped petty arguments and cruel or annoyed moods.Once I stopped I found yeses in a better mood altogether and I think It also rubbed off on the people around me. Overall, letting go of my own wants and needs, gave everyone an Improved attitude and allowed for more room to let God In. By not complaining I have a whole part of my life that essentially cut of. This part has now been filled with my appreciation and God. By separating myself from complaining I can turn to God and appreciative and happy I bring on that sense of fulfillment to other peop le. For Catholics, â€Å"dying to ourselves, we enter some way or another into Chrism's dying and we rise to new life with Him as well. † (TM p. 9) The new life I have been brought is one of acceptance and appreciation. As I moved through the week, I found that as I complained less, I became more and more relax as well. The complaining, when I was unable to stop myself, bothered me more than I think it bothered my parents. I found that I started to enjoy myself more as I accepted events around me. I knew I could not change that fact that it was cold outside so I accepted it for what it was and appreciated that I had clothes to keep me warm. By living this new life that was one of acceptance and appreciation I feel as if I have also opened up a new relationship tit God.I am closer to my ultimate vocation, union with God, after having been brought this new life through my fasting/feasting project. The overall purpose of Lent is to prepare for Easter and prepare to celebrate new life with the Resurrection. It is also a period of intense preparation for catchments to enter the church. During this preparation, Christians focus on living the Kingdom of God more intensely than they do during the rest of the year. This fasting is not only a literal fast from eating, but also a chance to make a sacrifice that will help us Ochs on resisting worldly distractions.This is self-discipline and also an opportunity to make more room for God and to move closer to him. When we fast together as a community, it is the whole church community opening themselves up to God together. My experience over the last five days has helped me live out the purpose of Lent by exposing me to the deeper meaning of the fast. Instead of Just giving up candy or chips, I have given up a part of my life that has only brought me down, and opened myself up to happiness, fulfillment, acceptance, appreciation, and a closer relationship with God.

Summer essay

It was pretty hard to find house is once there are so many and this is what did over the summer. First of all, there was not much going on over the summer and there was a lot going on at the same time. Over the summer I worked for my uncle and it was a very busy summer for me. At beginning of summer I went to his new office to set u p some new computers and printers. It took me about two week before I was complete Ely finished with the setup and the installation. After I was finished with the setup. Went t o do some shopping for myself . When I was done went back to the office the next day t o help my uncle finding new listing of houses. I started listing house for new customer a ND investors. And was officially started my study. The most exciting part about my summer was to find the house that will be moving in. There was a lot of listing of house. It spend about a month Loki Eng for new available houses for sale. And I also spend a lot of time going into houses that are for ale in Michigan.Choosing houses can be a headache because you have to do background check in every single one of them you see. I didn't really have a g DOD summer, but I was happy about the new house. And finally there a was house that found that everybody in my family really liked. And now it was almost end of s mummer and I was getting worried about school. Now I was getting ready for next school year. And now I was almost done working with my uncle. Did some shopping over the Summer, and getting re dad school trials like notebooks and papers.I didn't actually go anywhere special eve r the summer, but I think my summer went pretty well than past summer vacations that I had. This was also the summer with the most responsibilities that I had. In conclusion my summer vacation went very well. There was a lot of work an responsibilities. Enjoyed working with my uncle. He taught me a lot of new t wings that I did not knew, and I am really excited to move in the new home, and I hope m y next su mmer vacation would be even better than this.

The Rhetorical Analysis Of Thomas Paines The Crisis

During the period of time in which the colonies were breaking away from Great Britain, many of the colonists had doubts and were at times divided on the topic. However, there were also a collection of people that worked to restore the unity of the colonists. Among these people were Thomas Paine, the author of The Crisis. In this collection or articles, Paine persuades his audience to remain united using evidence, reasoning, and stylistic or persuasive elements. The first way that Paine convinces his audience is using evidence. Paine starts this immediately in the first paragraph of The Crisis, referencing Britain’s tyranny and taxing. â€Å"Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have the consolation with us, that the harder the†¦show more content†¦In lines 37-40 he says â€Å"... a generous parent would have said, â€Å"If there must be trouble, let it be in my day, that my child may have peace:†Ã¢â‚¬ . This example puts the listener of The Cri sis in a mindset that forces them to consider the future, not only for themselves, but also for their children. This helps to persuade the audience because they must reason with the idea that Paine has presented to them. To add to the idea of reasoning, Paine says in lines 43-46 â€Å"America will never be happy until she gets clear of foreign dominion. Wars, without ceasing will break out until that period arrives, and the continent in the end must be the conqueror; for, though the flame of liberty may sometimes cease to shine, the coal never can expire†¦Ã¢â‚¬ . This statement has a number of meanings to it. The first concept that Paine highlights is the idea of escaping from other countries. It is unlikely that Paine was scared of directing this towards Britain exclusively, so it could be concluded that this was meant towards all countries in general, and if this is the case then Paine was already trying to convince the people of America that isolationism was the route that they should be directed towards. After this point, he makes reference to liberty. During this time, America was an experimental country with freedoms and liberties that no other country had seen before, using democracy, a principle that not many countries had used. Although Paine was known for directing The CrisisShow MoreRelatedComparison of Thomas Paine and Patrick Henry: Revolutionary Tract876 Words   |  4 Pagesusurpations inflicted upon them by the British. As a result of these inflictions, Thomas Paine and Patrick Henry addressed these injustices, and proved to be very persuasive through providing reasoning and evidence that moved many colonists to believe that to reach contentment and peace the colonies had to rid themselves of British rule. Henry and Paine were successful in swaying their audience, not only because of the rhetorical strategies used, but also because they were passionate about the cause theyRead MoreRhetorical Analysis: the Crisis, No. 1 by Thomas Paine E ssay620 Words   |  3 PagesRhetorical Analysis: The Crisis, No. 1 by Thomas Paine Political writer, Thomas Paine, in his persuasive writing, The Crisis No. 1, expresses feelings towards Britains control over the colonies. Paines purpose is to unite the colonists in an effort to retaliate against Great Britain. He uses an objective tone in order to unite and rally the common person in his nation. Paine opens his persuasion to the nation by warning that getting their freedom from Britain will not be easy. By usingRead MoreLogical Reasoning189930 Words   |  760 PagesReasons ................................................................................................ 236 Deceiving with Loaded Language ................................................................................................... 238 Using Rhetorical Devices .................................................................................................................. 240 Review of Major Points .............................................................................................